I need help with a Social Science question. All explanations and answers will be used to help me learn.

1. In one paragraph: WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE OPPRESSED? Are women oppressed?  Why or why not? 
2. Let’s think about this question? 

Is a woman sometimes oppressed simply because she is born a woman? Then can the same question apply to men? Is a man oppressed simply because he is born a man?
We are talking about gender oppression. What does the Frye reading suggest about gender oppression?
What is your opinion? Do you agree or disagree that men are oppressed because of their gender? Back up your opinion when possible.
OPPRESSION
and the use of definition
Marilyn Frye
It is a fundamental claim of feminism that women are oppressed.
The word “oppression” is a strong word. It repels and attracts.
It is dangerous and dangerously fashionable and endangered.
It is much misused, and sometimes not innocently.
The statement that women are oppressed is frequently met with the claim that men are oppressed
too. We hear that oppressing is oppressive to those who oppress as well as those they oppress.
Some men cite as evidence of their oppression their much-advertised inability to cry. It is tough, we
are told, to be masculine. When the stresses and frustrations of being a man are cited as evidence
that oppressors are oppressed by their oppressing, the word “oppression” is being stretched to meaninglessness; it is treated as though its scope includes any and all human experience of limitation or
suffering, no matter the cause, degree or consequence. Once such usage has been put over on us,
then if ever we deny that any person or group is oppressed, we seem to imply that we think they never suffer and have no feelings. We are accused of insensitivity; even of bigotry. For women, such accusation is particularly intimidating, since sensitivity is one of the few virtues that has been assigned
to us. If we are found insensitive, we may fear we have no redeeming traits at all and perhaps are not
real women. Thus are we silenced before we begin: the name of our situation drained of meaning and
our guilt mechanisms tripped.
But this is nonsense. Human beings can be miserable without being oppressed, and it is perfectly
consistent to deny that a person or group is oppressed without denying that they have feelings or that
they suffer.
We need to think clealy about oppression, and there is much that mitigates against this. I do not want
to undertake to prove that women are oppressed (or that men are not), but I want to make clear what
is being said when we say it. We need this word, this concept, and we need it to be sharp and sure.
I
The root of the word “oppression” is the element “press.” The press of the
crowd; pressed into military service; to press a pair of pants; printing press;
press the button. Presses are used to mold things or flatten them or reduce
them in bulk, sometimes to reduce them by squeezing out the gases or liquids in them. Something pressed is something caught between or among forces and barriers which are so related to each other that jointly they restrain,
restrict or prevent the thing’s motion or mobility. Mold. Immobilize. Reduce.
The mundane experience of the oppressed provides another clue. One of the most characteristic and
ubiquitous features of the world as experienced by oppressed people is the double bind – situations
in which options are reduced to a very few and all of them expose one to penalty, censure or deprivation. For example, it is often a requirement upon oppressed people that we smile and be cheerful. If
we comply, we signal our docility and our acquiescence in our situation. We need not, then, be taken
note of. We acquiesce in being made invisible, in our occupying no space. We participate in our own
erasure. On the other hand, anything but the sunniest countenance exposes us to being perceived as
mean, bitter, angry or dangerous. This means, at the least, that we may be found “difficult” or unpleasant to work with, which is enough to cost one one’s livelihood; at worst, being seen as mean, bitter, angry or dangerous has been known to result in rape, arrest, beating, and murder. One can only
choose to risk one’s preferred form and rate of annihilation.
Another example: It is common in the United States that women, especially younger women, are in
a bind where neither sexual activity nor sexual inactivity is all right. If she is heterosexually active, a
woman is open to censure and punishment for being loose, unprincipled or a whore. The “punishment” comes in the form of criticism, snide and embarrassing remarks, being treated as an easy lay
by men, scorn from her more restrained female friends. She may have to lie to hide her behavior from
her parents. She must juggle the risks of unwanted pregnancy and dangerous contraceptives. On the
other hand, if she refrains from heterosexual activity, she is fairly constantly harassed by men who try
to persuade her into it and pressure her to “relax” and “let her hair down”; she is threatened with
labels like “frigid,” “uptight,” “man-hater,” “bitch” and “cocktease.” The same parents who would
be disapproving of her sexual activity may be worried by her inactivity because it suggests she is not
or will not be popular, or is not sexually normal. She may be charged with lesbianism. If a woman is
raped, then if she has been heterosexually active she is subject to the presumption that she liked it
(since her activity is presumed to show that she likes sex), and if she has not been heterosexually
active, she is subject to the presumption that she liked it (since she is supposedly “repressed and
frustrated”). Both heterosexual activity and heterosexual nonactivity are likely to be taken as proof
that you wanted to be raped, and hence, of course, weren’t really raped at all. You can’t win. You are
caught in a bind, caught between systematically related pressures.
Women are caught like this, too, by networks of forces and barriers that expose one to penalty, loss
or contempt whether one works outside the home or not, is on welfare or not, bears children or not,
raises children or not, marries or not, stays married or not, is heterosexual, lesbian, both or neither.
Economic necessity; confinement to racial and/or sexual job ghettos; sexual harassment; sex discrimination; pressures of competing expectations and judgements about women, wives and mothers
(in the society at large, in racial and ethnic subcultures and in one’s own mind); dependence (full or
partial) on husbands, parents or the state; commitment to political ideas; loyalties to racial or ethnic
or other “minority” groups; the demands of the self-respect and responsibilities to others. Each of
these factors exists in complex tension with every other, penalizing or prohibiting all of the apparently available options. And nipping at one’s heels, always, is the endless pack of little things. If one
dresses one way, one is subject to the assumption that one is advertising one’s sexual availability; if
one dresses another way, one appears to “not care about oneself” or to be “unfeminine.” If one uses
“strong language,” one invites categorization as a whore or slut; if one does not, one invites categorization as a “lady” – one too delicately constituted to cope with robust speech or the realities to which
it presumably refers.
The experience of oppressed people is that the living of one’s life is confined and shaped by
forces and barriers which are not accidental or occasional and hence avoidable, but are systematically related to each other in such a way as to catch one between and among them
and restrict or penalize motion in any direction.
It is the experience of being caged in: all avenies, in every direction, are blocked or
booby trapped. Cages. Consider a birdcage. If you look very closely at just one wire
in the cage, you cannot see the other wires. If your conception of what is before you
is determined by this myopic focus, you could look at that one wire, up and down
the length of it, and be unable to see why a bird would not just fly around the wire
any time it wanted to go somewhere. Furthermore, even if, one day at a time, you
myopically inspected each wire, you still could not see why a bird would gave
trouble going past the wires to get anywhere. There is no physical property of any
one wire, nothing that the closest scrutiny could discover, that will reveal how a
bird could be inhibited or harmed by it except in the most accidental way. It is only
when you step back, stop looking at the wires one by one, microscopically, and take a macroscopic
view of the whole cage, that you can see why the bird does not go anywhere; and then you will see
it in a moment. It will require no great subtlety of mental powers. It is perfectly obvious that the bird is
surrounded by a network of systematically related barriers, no one of which would be the least hindrance to its flight, but which, by their relations to each other, are as confining as the solid walls of a
dungeon.
It is now possible to grasp one of the reasons why oppression can be hard to see and recognize: one
can study the elements of an oppressive structure with great care and some good will without seeing
the structure as a whole, and hence without seeing or being able to understand that one is looking
at a cage and that there are people there who are caged, whose motion and mobility are restricted,
whose lives are shaped and reduced…
II
The image of the cage helps convey one aspect of the systematic nature of oppression. Another is
the selection of occupants of the cages, and analysis of this aspect also helps account for the invisibility of the oppression of women.
It is as a woman (or as a Chicana/o or as a Black or Asian or lesbian) that one is entrapped.
“Why can’t I go to the park; you let Jimmy go!”
“Because it’s not safe for girls.”
When you question why you are being blocked, why this barrier is in your path, the answer has not
to do with individual talent or merit, handicap or failure; it has to do with your membership in some
category understood as a “natural” or “physical” category. The “inhabitant” of the “cage” is not an
individual but a group, all those of a certain category. If an individual is oppressed, it is in virtue of being a member of a group or category of people that is systematically reduced, molded, immobilized.
Thus, to recognize a person as oppressed, one has to see that individual as belonging to a group, of
a certain sort.
There are many things which can encourage or inhibit perception of someone’s membership in the
sort of group or category in question here. In particular, it seems reasonable to suppose that if one
of the devices of restriction and definition of the group is that of physical confinement or segregation,
the confinement and separation would encourage recognition of the group as a group. This in turn
would encourage the macroscopic focus which enables one to recognize oppression and encourages
the individuals’ identification and solidarity with other members of the group or category. But physical
confinement and segregation of the group as a group is not common to all oppressive structures, and
when an oppressed group is geographically and demographically dispersed the perception of it as a
group is inhibited. There may be little or nothing in the situations of the individuals encouraging the
macroscopic focus which would reveal the unity of the structure bearing down on all members of that
group.1
A great many people, female and male and of every race and class, simply do not believe that woman
is a category of oppressed people, and I think that this is in part because they have been fooled by
the dispersal and assimilation of women throughout and into the systems of class and race which
organize men. Our simply being dispersed makes it difficult for women to have knowledge of each
1
Coerced assimilation is in fact one of the policies available to an oppressing group in its effort to reduce and/or
annihilate another group. This tactic is used by the U.S. government, for instance, on the American Indians.
other and hence difficult to recognize the shape of our common cage. The dispersal and assimilation
of women throughout economic classes and races also divides us against each other practically and
economically and thus attaches interest to the inability to see: for some, jealousy of their benefits, and
for some, resentment of the others’ advantages.
To get past this, it helps to notice that in fact women of all races and classes are together in a ghetto
of sorts. There is a women’s place, a sector, which is inhabited by women of all classes and races,
and it is not defined by geographical boundaries but by function. The function is the service of men
and men’s interests as men define them, which includes the bearing and rearing of children. The
details of the service and working conditions vary by race and class, for men of different races and
classes have different interests, perceive their interests differently, and express their needs and demands in different rhetorics, dialects and languages. But there are also some constants.
Whether in lower, middle or upper-class home or work situations, women’s service work always
includes personal service (the work of maids, butlers, cooks, personal secretaries),2 sexual service
(including provision for his genital sexual needs and bearing his children, but also “being nice,” “being attractive for him,” etc.), and ego service (encouragement, support, praise, attention). Women’s
service work also is characterized everywhere by the fatal combination of responsibility and powerlessness: we are held responsible and we hold ourselves responsible for good outcomes for men and
children in almost every respect though we have in almost no case power adequate to that project.
The details of the subjective experience of this servitude are local. They vary with economic class and
race and ethnic tradition as well as the personalities of the men in question. So also are the details
of the forces which coerce our tolerance of this servitude particular to the different situations in which
different women live and work.
All this is not to say that women do not have, assert and manage sometimes to satisfy our own interests, nor to deny that in some cases and in some respects women’s independent interests do overlap
with men’s. But at every race/class level and even across race/class lines men do not serve women
as women serve men. “Women’s sphere” may be understood as the “service sector,” taking the latter
expression much more widely and deeply than is usual in discussions of the economy.
III
It seems to be the human condition that in one degree or another we all suffer frustration and limitation, all encounter unwelcome barriers, and are all damaged and hurt in various ways. Since we
are a social species, almost all of our behavior and activities are structured by more than individual
inclination and the condition of the planet and its atmosphere. No human is free of social structures,
nor (perhaps) would happiness consist in such freedom. Structure consists of boundaries, limits and
barriers; in a structured whole, some motions and changes are possible, and others are not. If one is
looking for an excuse to dilute the word ‘oppression’, one can use the fact of social structure as an
excuse and say that everyone is oppressed. But if one would rather get clear about what oppression
is and is not, one needs to sort out the sufferings, harms and limitations and figure out which are elements of oppression and which are not.
From what I have already said here, it is clear that if one wants to determine whether a particular
suffering, harm or limitation is part of someone’s being oppressed, one has to look at it in context in
order to tell whether it is an element in an oppressive structure: one has to see if it is part of an en2
At higher class levels women may not do all these kinds of work but are generally still responsible for hiring and
supervising those who do it. These services are still, in these cases, women’s responsibility.
closing structure of forces and barriers which tends to the immobilization and reduction of a group or
category of people. One has to look at how the barrier or force fits with others and to whose benefit or
detriment it works. As soon as one looks at examples, it becomes obvious that not everything which
frustrates or limits a person is oppressive, and not every harm or damage is due to or contributes to
oppression.
If a rich white playboy who lives off income from his investments in South African diamond mines
should break a leg in a skiing accident at Aspen and wait in pain in a blizzard for hours before he is
rescued, we may assume that in that period he suffers. But the suffering comes to an end; his leg is
repaired by the best surgeon money can buy and he is soon recuperating in a lavish suite, sipping
Chivas Regal. Nothing in this picture suggests a structure of barriers and forces. He is a member of
several oppressor groups and does not suddenly become oppressed because he is injured and in
pain. Even if the accident was caused by someone’s malicious negligence, and hence someone can
be blamed for it and morally faulted, that person still has not been an agent of oppression.
Consider also the restriction of having to drive one’s vehicle on a certain side of the road. There is
no doubt that this restriction is almost unbearably frustrating at times, when one’s lane is not moving
and the other lane is clear. There are surely times, even, when abiding by this regulation would have
harmful consequences. But the restriction is obviously wholesome for most of us most of the time.
The restraint is imposed for our benefit, and does benefit us; its operation tends to encourage our
continued motion, not to immobilize us. The limits imposed by traffic regulations are limits most of us
would cheerfully impose on ourselves given that we knew others would follow them too. They are part
of a structure which shapes our behavior, not to reduction and immobilization, but rather to the protection of our continued ability to move and act as we will.
Another example: The boundaries of a racial ghetto in an American city serve to some extent to keep
white people from going in, as well as to keep ghetto dwellers from going out. A particular white citizen may be frustrated or feel deprived because they cannot stroll around there and enjoy the “exotic”
aura of a “foreign” culture, or shop for bargains in the ghetto swap shops. In fact, the existence of the
ghetto, of racial segregation, does deprive the white person of knowledge and harm their character by
nurturing unwarranted feelings of superiority. But this does not make the white person in this situation
a member of an oppressed race or a person oppressed because of their race. One must look at the
barrier. It limits the activities and the access of those on both sides of it (though to different degrees).
But it is a product of the intention, planning and action of whites for the benefit of whites, to secure
and maintain privileges that are available to whites generally, as members of the dominant and privileged group. Though the existence of the barrier has some bad consequences for whites, the barrier
does not exist in systematic relationship with other barriers or forces forming a structure oppressive
to whites; quite the contrary. It is part of a structure which oppresses the ghetto dwellers and thereby
(and by white intention) protects and furthers white interests as dominant white culture understands
them. This barrier is not oppressive to whites, even though it is a barrier to whites.
Barriers have different meanings to those on opposite sides of them, even though they are barriers
to both. The physical walls of a prison no more dissolve to let an outsider in than to let an insider out,
but for the insider they are confining and limiting while to the outsider they may mean protection from
what they take to be threats posed by insiders – freedom from harm or anxiety. A set of social and
economic barriers and forces separating two groups may be felt, even painfully, by members of both
groups and yet may mean confinement to one and liberty and enlargement of opportunity to the other.
The service sector of the wives/mommas/assistants/girls is almost exclusively a woman-only sector;
its boundaries not only enclose women but to a very great extent keep men out. Some men encounter
this barrier and experience it as a restriction on their movements, their activities, their control or their
choices of “lifestyle.” Thinking they might like the simple nurturant life (which they may imagine to be
quite free of stress, alienation and hard work), and feeling deprived since it seems closed to them,
they thereupon announce the discovery that they are oppressed, too, by “sex roles.” But that barrier
is erected and maintained by men, for the benefit of men. It consists of cultural and economic forces
and pressures in a culture and economy controlled by men in which, at every economic level and in
all racial and ethnic subcultures, economy, tradition – and even ideologies of liberation – work to keep
at least local culture and economy in male control.3
The boundary that sets apart women’s sphere is maintained and promoted by men generally for the benefit of men generally, and men generally do benefit from its existence, even
the man who bumps into it and complains of the inconvenience.
That barrier is protecting his classification and status as a male, as superior, as having a right to
sexual access to a female or females. It protects a kind of citizenship which is superior to that of females of his class and race, his access to a wider range of better paying and higher status work, and
his right to prefer unemployment to the degradation of doing lower status or “women’s” work.
If a person’s life or activity is affected by some force or barrier that person encounters, one may not
conclude that the person is oppressed simply because the person encounters that barrier or force;
nor simply because the encounter is unpleasant, frustrating or painful to that person at that time;
nor simply because the existence of the barrier or force, or the processes which maintain or apply
it, serve to deprive that person of something of value. One must look at the barrier or force and answer certain questions about it. Who constructs and maintains it? Whose interests are served by its
existence? Is it part of a structure which tends to confine, reduce and immobilize some group? Is the
individual a member of the confined group? Various forces, barriers and limitations a person may
encounter or live with may be part of an oppressive structure or not, and if they are, that person may
be on either the oppressed or the oppressor side of it. One cannot tell which by how loudly or little the
person complains.
IV
Many of the restrictions and limitations we live with are more or less internalized and self-monitored,
and are part of our adaptations to the requirements and expectations imposed by the needs and
tastes and tyrannies of others. I have in mind such things as women’s cramped postures and attenuated strides and men’s restraint of emotional self-expression (except for anger). Who gets what out
of the practice of those disciplines, and who imposes what penalties for improper relaxations of them/
What are the rewards of this self-discipline?
Can men cry? Yes, in the company of women. If a man cannot cry, it is in the company of men that he
cannot cry. It is men, not women, who require this restraint; and men not only require it, they reward
it. The man who maintains a steely or tough or laid-back demeanor (all are forms which suggest invulnerability) marks himself as a member of the male community and is esteemed by other men. Consequently, the maintenance of that demeanor contributes to the man’s self-esteem. It is felt as good,
and he can feel good about
himself. The way this restriction fits into the structures of men’s lives is as one of the socially required
3
Of course this is complicated by race and class. Machismo and “Black manhood” politics seem to help keep Latin
or Black men in control of more cash than Latin or Black women control; but these politics seem to me also to ultimately
help keep the larger economy in white male control.
behaviors which, if carried off, contribute to their acceptance and
respect by significant others and to their own self-esteem. It is to
their benefit to practice this discipline.
Consider, by comparison, the discipline of women’s cramped physical postures and attenuated stride. This discipline can be relaxed
in the company of women; it generally is at its most strenuous in the
company of men.4 Like men’s emotional restraint, women’s physical restrain is required by men. But unlike the case of men’s emotional restraint,
women’s physical restraint is not rewarded. What do we get for it? Respect
and esteem and acceptance? No. They mock us and parody our mincing
steps. We look silly, incompetent, weak and generally contemptible. Our
exercise of this discipline tends to low esteem and low self-esteem. It does not benefit
us. It fits in a network of behaviors through which we constantly announce to others
our membership in a lower caste and our unwillingness and/or inability to defend our bodily or
moral integrity. It is degrading and part of a pattern of degradation. Acceptable behavior for both
groups, men and women, involves a required restraint that seems in itself silly and perhaps damaging. But the social effect is drastically different. The woman’s restraint is part of a structure oppressive
to women; the man’s restraint is part of a structure oppressive to women.
V
One is marked for application of oppressive pressures by one’s membership in some group or category. Much of one’s suffering and frustration befalls one partly or largely because one is a member
of that category. In the case at hand, it is the category, woman. Being a woman is a major factor in
my not having a better job than I do; being a woman selects me as a likely victim of sexual assault or
harassment; it is my being a woman that reduces the power of my anger to a proof of my insanity. If
a woman has little or no economic or political power, or achieves little of what she wants to achieve,
a major causal factor in this is that she is a woman. For any woman of any race or economic class,
being a woman is significantly attached to whatever disadvantages and deprivations she suffers, be
they great or small.
None of this is the case with respect to a person’s being a man. Simply being a man is not what
stands between him and a better job; whatever assaults and harassments he is subject to, being
male is not what selects him for victimization; being male is not a factor which would make his anger
impotent – quite the opposite. If a man has little or no material or political power, or achieves little of
what he wants to achieve, his being male is no part of the explanation. Being male is something he
has going for him, even if race or class or age or disability is going against him.
Women are oppressed, as women. Members of certain racial and/or economic groups and classes,
both the males and the females, are oppressed as members of those races and/or classes. But men
are not oppressed as men.
… and isn’t is strange that any of us should have been confused and
mystified about such a simple thing?
4
Let’s Take Back Our Space: “Female” and “Male” Body Language as a Result of Patriarchal Structures, by
Marianne Wex. This remarkable book presents literally thousands of candid photographs of women and men, in public,
seated, standing and lying down. It vividly demonstrates the very systematic differences in women’s and men’s postures
and gestures.